Although British Prime Minister Boris Johnson insists that an agreement must be reached by 15 October, no agreement has been reached. On 6 September 2020, the Financial Times reported that the UK government was considering drafting new laws to circumvent the protocol of the Northern Ireland Withdrawal Agreement.  The new law would give ministers the power to determine which state aid should be notified to the EU and to define which products at risk of being transferred from Northern Ireland to Ireland (the withdrawal agreement stipulates that in the absence of a reciprocal agreement, all products are considered vulnerable).  The government defended this approach and stated that the legislation was in accordance with protocol and that it had only “clarified” the volumity in the protocol.  Ursula von der Leyen warned Johnson not to violate international law and said that the implementation of the withdrawal agreement by Britain was a “precondition for any future partnership”.  On 8 September, the Minister of Foreign Affairs for Northern Ireland, Brandon Lewis, told the British Parliament that the government`s internal market bill would “violate international law”.”  The UK has left the EU, but its trade relations remain unchanged until the end of the year. That`s because it`s in an 11-month transition – designed to give both sides some time to negotiate a new trade deal. As a general rule, the benefits and obligations of trade agreements apply only to their signatories. While free trade agreements are aimed at boosting trade, too many cheap imports could threaten a country`s producers, which could affect employment. The UK and THE EU are negotiating a trade deal that is expected to start on 1 January 2021, when the new UK-EU relationship will begin. The logic of formal trade agreements is that they reduce penalties for deviation from the rules set out in the agreement.  As a result, trade agreements make misunderstandings less likely and create confidence on both sides in the sanction of fraud; this increases the likelihood of long-term cooperation.  An international organization such as the IMF can further encourage cooperation by monitoring compliance with agreements and reporting violations.
 It may be necessary to monitor international agencies to detect non-tariff barriers that are disguised attempts to create barriers to trade.  All agreements concluded outside the WTO framework (which provide additional benefits outside the WTO MFN level but apply only between signatories and not other WTO members) are considered to be preferred by the WTO. Under WTO rules, these agreements are subject to certain requirements, such as WTO notification and general reciprocity (preferences should apply equally to each signatory to the agreement), where unilateral preferences (some of the signatories enjoy preferential market access to the other signatories without reducing their tariffs) are allowed only in exceptional circumstances and as a temporary measure.  There are a large number of trade agreements; some are quite complex (the European Union), while others are less intense (North American free trade agreement).  The resulting degree of economic integration depends on the specific nature of the trade pacts and policies adopted by the trading bloc: UK nationals and EU citizens, family members who are UK nationals or EU citizens and family members who are not two, retain the right to stay in the host state (Article 13). The host Member State must not restrict or prevent persons from obtaining, retaining or losing the right of residence (Article 13). Persons with valid documents [necessary clarification] will not need an entry and exit visa or identical formalities and would not be allowed to enter or enter the host state without complications (Article 14). In the event that the host state “requires an entry visa for members of the family